Exploring the Region’s Largest Freshwater Lake Manchar

By Masooma Shakir & Fahmida Shaikh

This article is a field observation report on the site of Manchar Lake, put together under an ongoing research project at DAP-NED. The project is called Indus River Heritage and Communities Project. A group of academics visited the lake, documented and interviewed various prominent stakeholders. Three days were spent mapping, observing, experiencing and talking to various people involved recording the different perspectives of issues.

Manchar lake, the largest fresh water Lake in Pakistan is located to the west of the Indus River Sindh, in Jamshoro and Dadu district, 18 Km from Sehwan city. It is spread across 200 sq. km. With a water area of 64,000 acres, the lake stands at 13ft above sea level and contains 420 million cubic meters of water. Barrages and dams built upnorth along the Indus River have now reduced the flow of water in the lake. Waste water from industries and agricultural lands in the North has led to slow ecological decline.

Manchar Lake lies amid the generally arid, dreary and sterile character of Sindh’s desert like geography. It is formed by the expansion of the Western Nara and the Aral streams, and constitutes the most important feature of Dadu District. According to T. Postans (1973), Manchar Lake is exceptional given its historical and geographical significance, being the seat of an old Sindhu civilization, and the biggest Sweetwater Lake of Asia. During the period of inundation, the Manchar may be estimated at from 30 to 35 Km in length, with a breath of about 16 Km, but when the water is low the area is  reduced.

Flanked by the Kirthar Mountain Range in the west, Lakki Hills in the south, the Indus River in the east, and protective embankments in the north and the north-east, Manchar is a major freshwater resource in an otherwise arid region. (Sahrai, (1997))

A source of livelihood for half a million fishermen, locally called Mohanas, Manchar’s waters have been used for irrigation and domestic purposes by the communities living around the lake. Once famous for its biodiversity, the lake was home to mohanas, fish, aquatic plants and birds until the 1990s, when the RBOD projects were connected to it, agricultural chemicals and industries waste began to contaminate the water, consequently the number of fish drastically dropped. This has forced significant population of mohanas to migrate.

Manchar is the only lake that is home to fishermen community living on wooden boathouses for hundreds of years. The fisher folks, known as Mirbahar or Mohanas have been living here for centuries and survive on the available fish stock in the lake (Sahrai, (1997)). Significantly, the lake has been home to thousands of Siberian migratory water birds in the past, its fish being their staple. Sadly, the numbers of these birds coming to Manchar have dwindled drastically, from 25,000 birds counted in 1988, to just 2,800 in 2002.

Fishes have decreased to such an extent due to contaminated water that people do not want to live on boats as they barely manage food for three square meals. These boat people are rather forced to move on to embankments as they are faced with many challenges. Livelihood, children’s education and access to clean water for drinking and washing are the major ones among them. Those advocating lake restorations often face a dilemma when asked if lake restoration will also restore the lost livelihoods.

The objective of our documentation was to understand the multifaceted relationship between the community living in close association with the lake. In hindsight, we debated how we as spatial planners can contribute to improving this association. Starting from Karachi, our first stop was in Jamshoro to meet the Director Fisheries Department, Basheer Dogar, along with his team. The Fisheries Department is responsible for the Licensing of Boats in various parts of Sindh. The current licensing system for the boats was introduced by the government about 10 years ago, before which there used to be an open auction system to control. Under the current system, for each boat only one person is issued a boat license of Rs. 561 and his helper at Rs. 111.

The RBOD is a classic example of the failure of policymakers over the last 60 years to develop water management models that take cognizance of humanitarian and ecological factors (Salam Dahrejo). Since the RBOD has altered the natural flow of water to Manchar lake, the ecology, and livelihood of the communities of Manchar has been drastically affected. Mr. Basheer Dogar briefed us on the role of the department in reviving the fish in the lake by artificially introducing fish eggs for breeding;  grown at artificial ponds at their department at Jamshoro.

After this, we headed to Manchar Lake (313 kilometers) from Jamshoro and reached Sehwan Sharif late afternoon. The Laki Hills mountain range stretches to the south of Manchar Lake. After a ten-minute drive, we reached ‘Manchar lake’. Spanning the large horizon, was Pakistan’s largest freshwater Lake in front of our eyes. We walked along the edge of the lake as the sun was setting, watching the silhouette of boats in the middle of the lake and fishermen returning home. The scene radiated peace and serenity.

We met some boatmakers on our way back. They spoke of their sad decline and how it has affected the profession they used to rely upon. Many mohanas have changed their profession and residence location. This has been a major cultural shift for them, changing their entire lifestyle, the coordinated roles of the genders, nostalgia, lament, loss of control and helplessness conveyed in their conversations. “…when the water was not polluted 20 Datsun pickups would be sent away full of fish, it means that around 37,000 kg of fish was harvested everyday. Now that the water is contaminated fish catch is between 1,100 to 1,800 kg.” This included the difference in approach toward fishing, that is when the fish was plenty, the fish nets were generously spaced to free the little fish, while currently the fish mounds consist mostly of small fishes, due to growing desperation.

Along the Danister wah canal, we met some boatmakers, who shared with us, the names of the various boats used and built by them. The residential boats are called galio in the local language. These remain stationary within the lake mostly and are private chambers carrying the family. The smaller boats used for moving around by the men and children frequently are called batelo. They are the working or supporting boats owned and shared by the residential group of boats.

When the lake was in better shape, it was common for many mohanas to temporarily live on land, when the lake swelled in the rainy season. Every year, the breeding season of the fish are chalked off for fishing activity and it is after the monsoon has passed that the fishermen return to their usual routine at the lakes. With the decline in the fish catch, the temporary shelters of the mohanas became permanent. More mohanas live around the lake than those living on the lake. There are several small villages around Manchar that are named after the ancestral mohana from whose family they belong. These villages have built over time to accommodate other mohanas too. We met Mir Bux Mallah, who has a village named after him, indicating that he is its owner, that is it is his family who lives here mainly. The contaminated waters of Manchar are a major setback to life for the mohanas as well as for those living around on land. The polluted waters continue to be used for irrigation and domestic purposes on land, affecting crop and life. People falling sick has become common and a range of diseases / health problems are associated with the issue.

The poisonous industrial waste not only taken away the livelihood of fishermen but also brought the traditional heritage of floating villages of Manchar on the verge of extinction, with seasonal or permanent migration becoming validated. Several of the mohannas seasonally move to Keti Bundar or Keamari to fish in seawater, although the two types of fishing are different in their techniques. Yet the mohanas are left with little choice but to adapt themselves and explore the better of the options available. Gwadar, Pasni and other places toward Balochistan are other options explored. Zero point (lake) Badin, Baghar Dhand (lake) Sanghar, Sukkur river (Indus), Keenjhar, Punjab, and Jamshoro Al Manzar have accommodated 1200 households. They take their boats and shifted families. These remain fishermen. There are others who change their occupation and become labour, working on daily wages, working in Sehwan.

Our next stop was Bubak village, once a major boatmaking island northeast of Manchar Lake. Once located within the Danister Wah canal, it was a popular stop for the boatsmen for the repair of boats, reports Sahrai (1997) in his book. We were invited graciously for dinner by a local school worker at Bubak, who served us traditional fish and lotus dishes with immense hospitality. The village was built up on a hilly topography. The older boatsworkers no longer work in this profession. This, we were told, is the ancestral region of the Sindh Chief Minister, Syed Murad Ali Shah. Given the difficulties faced by the people of the region, many in and around Manchar Lake, including Bubak work in the government sector and receive preference in government jobs due to the influence of the CM.

We planned to visit the Dargahs and Historical sites of significance spread out along the west bank of Manchar Lake, the next day. History and beliefs attached to these sites, we believed would help us in understanding the socio-cultural milieu.

We first visited Matan Shah dargah and  graveyard. This is located in Shah Hassan Village on the western bank of Manchar Lake, about 39 kms south of Johi town. This small graveyard has two structures, along with some old and recent graves. The two structures were aligned together, of which the white, better kept tomb structure belonged to Matan Shah. Dating back to the 1860s (1284 AH mentioned date on tomb), and on the basis of architectural resemblance, the tomb structures are placed within the chronological bracket of the Talpur period [Ref: CDC-EFT]. The older dilapidated brick structure of a mosque may have been built earlier in the same period. These structures follow the architectural vocabulary of tombs built in the colonial period in Sindh. Not far from these, there is a formal colonial building, called Shah Hussain rest house facing the lake dating to 1916, with another masjid built close by. These structures face the Manchar Lake, the rest house in the front was built by the British for administrative duties in relation to lake port, offering them some accommodation, office and warehousing.

The Sher Badshah Shrine stood across this site on an island in the lake. Dominated by a clump of very old trees and an old simplistic structure, the island seemed timelessly floating, removed from reality. A local mallah took us in a boat to visit this. The trees mingled with the topography of the rocky land, with such grace, the roots and trunks seemed unified in places. Bells hung on its branches speaking of a bygone era. The island seemed like a mysterious haven, harbouring stories of an older time. The annual urs of Sher Badshah collects about 300 mohanas, which can be accessed by boat on an the Island.

The local mallah showed off a bird in his hand. This bird is wellknown for Manchar lake boats people, telling them of changes in wind direction. It is commonly seen at most boathouses, treated as a pet.

We visited Pir Babbar Sher Shrine, renovated recently. Situated on higher ground, the mazar was an octagonal structure built in concrete, covered with a shallow dome. The entrance pishtaq and dome were colorful making it receptive. Pir Babbar Sher is said to be a contemporary of Hazrat Lal Shahbaz Qalandar. The naqqara / local drums made of cow skins are sounded every day after sunrise by the caretaker, except on the melo days.

There is also a musafir khana attached, built in 1982, offering shelter to the visitors with the shrine people used to come here and take rest during their journey to other dargahs and shrines.

Continuing further, we stopped at a big well-referred to popularly as Ali jo Kunh. The well was about 30 ft in diameter and contained crystal clear water, its bottom visible with big stones. According to popular belief, people make their wish or dua in the name of Ali at the well and throw coins and money. The water is said to have healing properties, some locals said, it is rich in mineral content. We witnessed people shouting slogans for Hazrat Ali, and reciting durood shareef. This area is also used as a chillah gah, a cool space under trees for fakirs and ziyarat. What is the history of the place that makes its association to the last khalifa, we wondered. People visiting only knew of the myths and popular belief of the place’s significance and its healing properties.

The Naing (Naig) Shareef Graveyard is a centuries old graveyard, named after the Naing nai or stream that flows close by. This is located close to Ali jo Kuhn. Archaeologists mention of the historical significance of this area as carrying archaeologically rich material beneath the ground. Majumdar (1934), known for his archaeological findings in Sind, writes of the region’s archaeological importance and the links of mohanas with ancient Indus valley civilization.                             

The Punjatan Park sits next to the Naing sharif graveyard. This was an interesting park and recreational space, where we were greeted by a tea dhaba close to the entrance. The terrain climbed up along a water channel. The park is associated with religious stories or myths of it having been a venue for spiritual meeting of the Punjatan or the holy family of the Prophet. At the apex of the park is a spring from where gushes ‘holy water’ known for its healing properties. Yet again, we were told of the mineral rich content of the water emerging from the ground at this park. Amidst the desert landscape of the context of a hot arid geographical region, the water source is the hub of the attraction at the spot, irrigating the landscape of the park and a cooling spot for the visitors, who sit along the channel, dipping their feet, performing ablution or collecting the water in bottles for healing purpose. Temporary shelters, shades and benches in the park offer a picnic spot for the visitors who often bring food with them or cook here.

The next day, we visited Shrine of Shaikh Daman. Amidst the various mazars we visited, we were told that Shaikh Daman was infact the main revered saint of the muhanas of Manchar Lake. The village is named after him too. It is located between the villages of Tehni and Shah Hassan.

Shaikh Daman’s urs or melo is celebrated in Rabi-ul Awal, the third month of the Islamic calendar, with much fervor and reverence. The muhanas do not fish in the three days of the urs. They drive their boats (galiyo) to the shrine of Shaikh Dhaman. While it takes twenty minutes for them to wade through from Moula Bux Mallah village to Shaikh Dhaman’s shrine in a boat with a motor/engine, however since they live and celebrate at the shrine for three days, therefore they ride the galiyo. They prefer rowing, which takes five to six hours despite this being a challenging and exhausting task. This is because, the galiyo, being full of household materials and family members, is heavy. But they believe that this long and arduous journey is a blessed one for them as devotees.

Lamps are lit around the Mazar and rice is cooked and distributed by those fulfilled in prayer. The atmosphere is festive with a community celebration and religious and cultural intermingling.

Why is Shaikh Dhaman more popularly revered among the various saints? What is the year in which he arrived in the region? Where did he come from? Who was he? Is he related in any way to other major religious figures in the region? The muhanas follow the myth with few answers except that it is the ritual of their forefathers. Fulfilled Muhanas visit the shrine on Fridays, gracing it with a cloth sheet and lit-up lamps.

There has been subsequently planned and sponsored housing to support the shifting of the muhanas on land, given the challenges faced by those in water. Various model villages have been built around the lake. Near Shaikh Daman shrine is one such model village, sponsored by Hands and Indus Trust, plots allotted and houses built by NGOs there. Rooms are constructed in the concrete surrounding a compound for each family, connected with a covered shaded corridor. The kitchen is a semi-covered space that is shared, along with shared and separated washrooms. The planning is neat and spacious enough for the expanding families.

Interviewee (Abdul Karim Mallah) a villager of nearby Molla Bakhsh village (a model village made by the World Bank consisting of 150 houses on an empty plot nearby the village) told us that it was government property, later bought by Abdullah Shah. 80% of the residents are fishermen while 20% are laborers.

Next we drove to catch up with our appointment to meet the muhanas families living in the water. Witnessing life in water in boathouses, we anticipated to be a privilege for us, amidst the downpour of economic issues, the muhannas may cease to continue this life in the near future. The sun was going down as we began our boat ride. In the middle of the lake was the indigenous muhana village, made up of houseboats. Zahid muhana, our guide, rowed the boat with his stick, chatting away, and answering our numerous questions. There were about 45 boats in the cluster, carring about 300 muhanas. They all belonged to the same family. Sheets of palm leaves draped one side of their boats giving them privacy, giving away also their relationships with adjacent boats. When they fight they turn their boats away. They orient their boats to catch better wind, sun as they need and for friendlier interaction with adjacent boats. A single boathouse consisted of a storage space for bedding, bottom storage for clothing, a multipurpose sitting area where in a corner sits a small stove; cooking, eating and lounging happened all in the same place. Shrubs/ wood for cooking was stored on the roof of the boat. We noticed small solar panels set up on the roofs to light a lamp at night. About a decade back, there had been initiatives taken when a school was setup in a boat, a collaboration between government and NGO. Schools are further away and the muhana kids are more interested to help around out in the open. Thus most do not study.

After this enlightening interaction, we still had some time before dinner, so we decided to visit the mazar of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar in Sehwan and try to probe the Muhanas association with the major saint of the region. Sehwan sharif is marked to be a city major in the north of Jamshoro District, and the mazar is a major attraction for its economy. Its patron Sufi saint lived here in the 13th century.

On the last day of our visit that is the third day we went to Dargah Ari Peer. This dargah is off route from Jhangara. The relationship between Ari Peer and the Mohannas was most interesting, as was related to us by the gaddi nashin here. Legend has it that Ari Peer is a contemporary and follower of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar because he saved his life. In turn, he killed the lion that was attacking them with the saw, the tool in Persian called Ari. He thus became famous with this name. This place was gifted to him, where he lived with his family. Thereafter he converted to a Muslim but did not declare this openly. He had followers who were both Hindu and Muslim. Hindu invaders attacked Ari Peer and killed him here, while his daughters saved their life by jumping into the ground opened by some power; the Hindus regretted when they witnessed this miracle, and started to mourn; some say that due to this, the region is cursed, thus there is no growth of mangoes or dates here since then. The pir called Sher Badshah that we visited the day before is the son of Ari Pir. The gaddi nashin of Ari Peer is a Muslim with many followers, the figure is revered by many Hindus too. Infact, the Dargah is financially supported by ardent Hindu followers.

The architecture of the Dargah is built along the lines of a Muslim shrine with a shaded circumambulatory colonnade around the chamber, covered with an elongated dome in the center and two minarets framing the entrance side, all built in concrete, covered with glazed tile. The place looked like it had been recently built and renovated.

Next to the popular Dargah of the region is a garden and graveyard that people visit, for healing purposes. The urs Mela is celebrated for two days. The Hindu followers arrange the food and festivities of the mela, and the grounds and shaded spaces around offer shelter to visitors who come from different places in the region.

With this as the last stop of our journey, we headed back to Karachi pondering over the authenticities of the figures we visited, enlightened to learn of the historical value and collective memories of the indigenous people of the region. With barely any publications and documentation of these areas, despite their historic presence, it can nevertheless be undeniable that they hold much value for the communities, bringing them together annually, playing a significant role in the socio-cultural milieu of the region that is of ecological and historical value.

Manchhar Lake and its surrounding region is of enormous ecological value, carrying various centers of religious and socio-cultural importance that are major community centers, bringing people together for celebration and relief. The deterioration of Manchhar Lake is dealt with by muhanas through discussions amidst these existing setups. Mingled with myths, that give ethical values to the community, we “educated urbanites” also question their authenticity. Historiography can be a way of connecting the historical dots through timelines of figureheads emerging from the region to understand the larger picture. Could small grassroots solutions and interventions also emerge through these networks? Could their issues be dealt with in a similar manner too? Over the past few years, outward migration has intensified. The main reason for this is the deteriorating quantity of fish catch and diminishing opportunities for agriculture and another livelihood. According to a survey conducted in 1930, there existed about 200 different species of fish in the lake. Today only 14 fish species have become extinct and several others are under severe threat of extinction.

The constant supply of toxic and polluted water into Manchhar Lake, a freshwater ecosystem, has completely degraded the environmental conditions and biodiversity of the lake. The grasses and weeds have entirely disappeared. The migratory birds flying through the Indus Flay way have found other places as their destination for their survival and nurture. The lake was the only source of drinking water but increased salinity levels have made communities malnourished. The livelihood of thousands of indigenous communities living in and around the lake has been seriously affected, causing migration of the communities towards urban parts and change in livelihood patterns from fishing. (Memon)

After all these visits to different destinations of Manchar starting off from the lake and their annotated communities, their religious affiliations and beliefs with these Dargahs and Kohs and streams regardless of the livelihoods and social inequities they are in; interventions are highly demanded not only from these government institutions as well as from experts; it was noted evidently that Sindh especially these regions are full of opportunities; all we need is to put up our foot together to give due regards to it and through our professional aptitude not only enhance the upgradation process but also uplift the community’s economic conditions and well -beings so that they may be able to sustain and grow with pride which is unrecognized currently.